Yale Report Links Russian Oil Giants to Deportation of Ukrainian Children

AM Editorial Team

Yale Report Links Russian Oil Giants to Deportation of Ukrainian Children

A new report from Yale University alleges that Russia’s two largest state energy companies — Rosneft and Gazprom — played a direct role in the deportation and indoctrination of Ukrainian children during the war. The findings have already triggered calls from U.S. lawmakers to reimpose sanctions on both firms.

According to the Yale School of Public Health’s Humanitarian Research Lab, roughly 2,158 children were taken to camps in Russian-occupied Ukraine and Russia between 2022 and 2025. The camps included pro-Russian educational programming. Yale described its findings as the first definitive public proof of these companies’ involvement in what it calls a systematic campaign of child deportation.

The conclusions were drawn from public statements, verified social media posts, corporate websites, and official records. Reuters was unable to independently confirm the report’s claims.

Russia has consistently denied taking Ukrainian children by force. Moscow says the removals were humanitarian evacuations to protect children from danger. Previous Yale reports on the topic were dismissed by Russia as anti-Russian propaganda.

What the report says about Gazprom and Rosneft

Yale’s research found that at least 1,072 children from Russian-occupied Ukraine received vouchers from Gazprom subsidiaries and trade union organizations. These vouchers gave them access to pro-Russia camps in 2022 and 2023. Children were taken to at least six camps, including three owned by Gazprom subsidiaries — some operating as recently as 2025.

When contacted by Reuters, Gazprom said it owns several health resorts in Russia where children spend summer vacations. It did not address the specific allegations.

On the Rosneft side, Yale found that the company’s Interregional Trade Union sponsored 100 Ukrainian children to attend three camps in 2022. Rosneft’s lawyers pushed back firmly. They said Yale failed to produce any evidence of the company participating in illegal activity. They also argued that the trade union is a separate legal entity under Russian law.

However, Rosneft’s own website states that the company pays special attention to strengthening its partnership with trade unions. Former U.S. Ambassador to Russia Michael McFaul dismissed the independence claim outright. He pointed out that Rosneft is effectively an arm of the Russian government — and that Putin’s regime no longer allows truly independent unions.

U.S. lawmakers push to reimpose sanctions

The report’s timing is significant. In early March, the U.S. temporarily lifted sanctions on Russian crude oil sales to help counter surging global prices caused by the Iran war. That waiver also applied to Gazprom and Rosneft.

Now, a bipartisan group of 12 members of Congress is pushing back. In a letter drafted by Ohio Representative Greg Landsman and addressed to Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, the lawmakers called for sanctions to be reimposed. They cited Yale’s findings and warned that the 30-day waiver could generate roughly $12 billion in revenue for the two Russian companies.

The letter also urged sanctions on 35 additional entities identified in Yale’s research.

The broader legal picture

Under international law, forcibly deporting children from occupied territory is a war crime — regardless of motive. Ukraine has gone further, classifying it as a crime against humanity.

The International Criminal Court has already issued arrest warrants for Russian President Vladimir Putin and his commissioner for children’s rights, Maria Lvova-Belova. Both are accused of involvement in the illegal transfer of Ukrainian children.

Russia has rejected the ICC’s allegations. Lvova-Belova said in 2023 that the accusations looked like a “farce without specifics.” The ICC, meanwhile, told Reuters it continues to receive reports on child deportations and could expand its cases to include new suspects if the evidence meets its standards.

Yale’s latest report follows a September finding that Russia had expanded its network of camps — used for military training, drone manufacturing, and forced re-education — to at least 210 facilities.